(This is an AI translation of the original Burmese ISP Column article authored by Agga, published on February 26, 2025.)
In Myanmar, a country where hundreds of armed groups are fighting against the military, more licensed armed groups are about to emerge under the banner of “security companies.” This is due to the military junta enacting the Private Security Services Law. This law is like pouring fuel into the fire of Myanmar’s civil war.
I’d like to discuss two points about how this law will complicate the civil war. The first is the possibility of revolutionary forces clashing directly with private security companies. The second is the likelihood that private security companies will be perceived as aligned with the military, leading to further complications.
After China concluded that the junta’s forces could no longer protect its interests in Myanmar, it likely pushed for its own security companies to step in.
Private security companies have been granted the right to arms “as needed” and are even permitted to include foreign security firms. As a result, we are likely to see foreign-owned, armed security companies operating in Myanmar—especially Chinese ones. It’s impossible to hide the fact that this law aligns with China’s interests. After China concluded that the junta’s forces could no longer protect its interests in Myanmar, it likely pushed for its own security companies to step in.
Out of 23 Chinese investment projects in northern Shan State and central Myanmar, 13 are controlled by Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and People’s Defense Forces (PDFs). In Rakhine State, 11 Chinese-funded projects are under the control of the Arakan Army (AA). The law prohibits foreign security companies from hiring foreign soldiers, but Chinese private security firms are typically staffed by former soldiers of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Overseas Chinese security companies are not managed by China’s military but by its intelligence services. The law limits foreign staff in these companies to 25%, meaning Chinese firms will likely bring in only their elite personnel.
In Myanmar, where numerous armed revolutionary groups are fighting, the arrival of Chinese security companies to protect Chinese projects—particularly those in areas controlled by revolutionary forces or surrounded by conflict—will undoubtedly make the situation more complex.
Even before this law, the most widespread and overt use of private security companies in Myanmar was in the online scam industry. Scam operations near the Chinese border in Laukkai and the Thai border in Myawaddy relied on illegal private security firms. In those areas, there have already been instances of security groups exchanging gunfire on the streets.
Another potential complication is this: the law requires private security companies to cooperate with the military or police on security matters if necessary, with a penalty of two years in prison for non-compliance. It also mandates that they report to the police any information that could affect security or the rule of law. From the perspective of revolutionary groups, this makes security companies indistinguishable from the military, likely landing them on the enemy list. This will only further tangle the situation.
On the other hand, since the government can no longer provide security, Myanmar’s people will have to protect themselves. Wealthy bankers and business owners who can afford it will undoubtedly turn to security companies. Bodyguard services will also likely become widespread and legitimized.
It’s still unclear whether bank security guards and bodyguards will be allowed to carry weapons. The extent to which foreign security companies can be armed also remains uncertain. The phrase “operational necessity” seems designed to allow flexibility, while at the same time, the requirement to seek approval from the National Defense and Security Council imposes strict oversight.
In a civil war marked by a chaotic mix of factions, the addition of new armed players will surely make an already complicated situation even messier.
While security companies will be loyal to their employers, the legal framework may lead them to be perceived as aligned with the Myanmar military. In a civil war marked by a chaotic mix of factions, the addition of new armed players will surely make an already complicated situation even messier.
Agga is an analyst on Myanmar’s political and military affairs.
The views and opinions expressed here do not necessarily reflect the policies or positions of ISP-Myanmar.
