The Min Aung Hlaing administration is increasingly looking to New Delhi for political and military leverage, even as it remains tethered to Beijing’s inescapable influence.

The martial-law order issued after the new administration proclaimed itself an elected government laid bare the realities of Myanmar’s political landscape. In 60 of the country’s 330 townships—more than 18 percent nationwide—it formally transferred judicial authority directly into military hands.

The Min Aung Hlaing administration’s “100-Day Plan” is rather lackluster. Emerging at a time of limited administrative capacity, these policies are overly generalized and lack substance. Most importantly, they do not include crucial measures for economic recovery.

Heavy rainfall between July 10 and August 11, 2026, caused severe flooding across 41 townships in Ayeyarwady Region, Rakhine State, Sagaing Region, Mandalay Region, and Bago Region, and could affect at least 1.3 million people.

Having lost 101 towns since the 2021 coup, the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) recaptured 22 towns between 2024 and June 2026.

Due to Operation 1027 and subsequent battles, Myanmar Armed Force has suffered significant territorial losses across the country.

(This article is an abridged translation of the original Burmese language version that Institute for Strategy and Policy -Myanmar posted on its Facebook page on August 30, 2021.)  Summary The upcoming visit by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Special Envoy is a key political event for both the State Administration Council (SAC) and the National […]

Only if everyone comes together to solve the pandemic that Myanmar is currently facing will the country be able to lessen the physical and mental trauma that will be experienced for generations. Humanitarian crises could stem from politics or could become worse because of politics. Therefore, the solution to the humanitarian crisis should eventually transition from a humanitarian emergency to more sustained solutions for the political crisis. Good examples of humanitarian response can be seen in Aceh after the 2004 tsunami and in Nepal after 2015 earthquake. Even if political solutions cannot be found immediately, all stakeholders should follow the recommendations mentioned above quickly since these will provide major support in saving people’s lives during the COVID-19 third wave in Myanmar.